Krasimir Raykovski

• Hardworking, passionate and arduous job seeker with strong organizational skills eager to provide in-depth analysis and utilizing interpersonal skills, excellent time management and problem-solving skills. Ready to help team achieve company goals.
• Demonstrated to write clear, concise text for informative presentations.
• Highly skilled at profound research with an aim for conciseness, brevity and critical thinking in composing reports and articles. Usage of a plethora of languages for the sake of broadband analysis.
• Organized and dependable candidate successful at managing multiple priorities with a positive attitude. Willingness to take on added responsibilities to meet team goals.
• Entry-level recent graduate of International Relations who proved successful at leveraging expertise to assist expert academic affiliated groups with making forward-thinking plans .
• Decisive problem-solver with proven research, persuasion and strategic policy development experience.
• Detail-oriented team player with strong organizational skills. Ability to handle multiple projects simultaneously with a high degree of accuracy.

Business Etiquette & Communications

• This thesis presents a study of the views and actions of four Arab leaders - Saddam Hussein, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Yasser Arafat and Hafez al-Assad - towards Israel in the second half of the twentieth century. In addition, the Israeli Intelligence Bureau's (Mossad) revelations about some of them are discussed. The choice of the topic is justified because of their fiery rhetoric against Israel and their reference or intention to refer to Israel as a "Zionist entity" in the meaning of excrescence.
• The study is important for discovering reasons for the lack of direct communication between Israel and Middle East leaders as a problem for peacemaking in the region. The relevance of the topic lies in finding an appropriate mechanism to deal with conflicts, in the case of the Middle East it is possible to apply the option of partnership in inter-state relations, but without the tendency of maximalist peace.
  Authoritarian Arab leaders in the Middle East use intelligence networks as a source of information. However, Mossad's goal is to uncover resources (nuclear weapons, informants, economic potential) and methods (threats, preparation for military action, use of hostile rhetoric against Israel). On the one hand, the ideas of Arab nationalism and socialism express resistance to imperialism - of which Israel is an embodiment - and to the ruling monarchist elites who are allied with colonialism. Cultism is defined as the denial of the right to exist of another state/territorial entity/ethnic group and defines an unfavorable development in relations between Arab states and Israel. Arab leaders are in a hurry to catch up with the political and military backwardness of their countries after independence from the Ottoman Empire. Israel seeks to become a regional power in order to legitimize its recognition as a sovereign Jewish state.
• The conclusions reached are several observations on the political situation in the Middle East, including :
  - usage of terms such as "regionalism", "cult-like behaviour", "status quo bias".
  - The turbulence of the region is expressed in the opposition against foreign and unnatural entities, doomed to be failed states (failed states).
  - the confrontation for power in the Arab world aims at a change in power, but not in public attitudes. The development of a drive for a power contest with Israel and the intemperate demagoguery of Arab power help bring short-sighted strategist leaders to power. Their charismatic leadership in the Arab world is a consequence of the need for an unyielding leader within precarious state-territorial boundaries that would crumble in a civil war. The interest of Arab leaders is therefore in directing public attention outward, not inward.
  - Cult behavior as a major factor in interstate relations in the region.

• Israeli-Iranian relations remain a mystery to most analysts despite the profound impact that tensions between these countries have had on the Middle East. The political sensitivity of the issue has led to reticence on the part of most U.S. experts to explore the subject in detail. Instead, the deteriorating state of relations between these two former allies is as an inexplicable phenomenon or as the result solely of deep-seated ideological opposition. All the while, its impact on U.S. policy in the region, for example, has been conveniently ignored, at great cost to U.S. national interests. While it is widely believed that the key to peace in the Middle East lies in resolving the conflict between Israelis and Palestinian Arabs, little attention has been paid to the key geopolitical rivalry between Israel and Iran, which has, it turns out, a decisive influence on this and other regional conflicts. This study focuses on geopolitical forces and events rather than ideology, fleeting political justifications, or simplistic Manichean perspectives in examining the highs and lows of Israeli-Iranian relations and the triangular relationship between the United States, Israel, and Iran.
• The purpose of the study is precisely to present their strategic objectives from a cultural-identity and political point of view, not necessarily a historical chronicle or an outline in a chronological continuum, and their "encouraged rivalry" with each other to keep the pace of the "strategy of tension", or creating a conflict environment to seek security in a strong government or state as a consolidator of stability. Also considered are the intelligence apparatuses of the two countries entering into in-depth cooperation for cross-border arms trafficking, information sharing, strategic purposes, etc.

• A national laureate of Geography competitions and graduated BA in Israeli, Jewish and Middle Eastern Studies with High Honors
• Collaborated with distinguished experts in the development of regional conflict resolution solutions e.g. with Edward Joseph from SAIS and his fellow colleague Dr. Christian Costamagna from the University of Piemont constructed a feasible and sustainable background of the Kosovo issue and its regional and global implications
• Achieved compilation of a wide array of contacts' database for the Bulgarian Diplomatic Institute's webinars and conferences by completing tasks of looking up for the contacts' info with accuracy, efficiency and in due time e.g. an ad hoc task of researching a Pakistani contact's info for invitation to a webinar about Pakistan-Bulgaria cooperation faster than the local Bulgarian embassy in Islamabad.
• Documented facts and arguments in my two defense theses which led to recognition as a contribution to the Bulgarian academics in the field of conflict resolution and international relations e.g. compiling files and scanned excerpts from the intelligence agencies in the Middle East to gain comprehension about the fragmentation of the region

• Yugoslavia, Srboslavija and Udboslavija and the mythical ethos of the South Slavic brotherhood.
  The Kosovo issue

A South Slavic state template is incompatible with either model of centralization and decentralization regardless
of the portrayal of the ambitions of the two largest ethnic groups Serbs and Croats respectively. It is nationalism
that makes nations, not them struggling to be nationalists in a nationalist country. I argue therefore that
Yugoslavia's survival hanged on a single thread and that is the collective share of the perceived plight from the
central authorities in Belgrade. The article also comprises the key security Kosovo issue whose frozenness
debates crucial points about its status and recognition and implementation of a complex array of nationalistic
chants, economic midfielder, non-territorial autonomy and so on.

• Australia-China competition in the Pacific Ocean. The AUKUS agreement

Australia is moving from a position of alarm to one of concern about China's growing presence in the Pacific due
to a combination of two main factors: Australia's concerns about China and Australia's understanding of the
vulnerability of the Pacific region. Australia increasingly views China as a strategic threat at the global, regional
and national levels, while being closely linked to the Chinese economy. This study will examine the multifaceted
aspects of Australia's strong and growing concerns about China, including views that China is a revisionist country
determined to rewrite the rules of the world order, and concerns about the impact of a rising China on Australia's
national interests and Australia's Pacific policy. Australia's concerns about China's impact on the Pacific Islands
region and the extent to which Australia understands the needs and interests of the Pacific Islands will also be
analysed. Announced in September 2021 and through the lens of minilateralism and threat theory, AUKUS is a
trilateral security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. Central to the
partnership is collaboration between the three countries to assist Australia in acquiring nuclear submarine
capabilities. Australia will play an important role in the outcome of this competition and in the continued
prosperity and security of the Pacific region.

• China, Russia and Central Asia - political and separatist tendencies

The analytical basis for this article is a theory of a regional security complex. It may be viewed as a matrix for
regional studies. It links the situation within regional states including those in Central Asia that are addressed in
this study to relations among other states and international actors. It specifically looks at the interaction of
regional states with neighboring states and world powers." It is essential to take into consideration two important
factors. The first is that the states of Central Asia are weak states. The second is that Central Asia is an
unstructured security region' and a mini-complex. As such, it serves as an insulator between the regional security
complexes of East Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East, as well as the security complex Russia is attempting to
build around itself. The situation in Central Asia can be best understood by dividing the region's countries into
two groups: "powerful" states and "weak" states. As mentioned above, Central Asia is both an "unstructured
security region" and a "mini-complex" that serves as an "insulator" between other regional security complexes.
Unsurprisingly, Central Asia also serves as a transit zone for drug, human, and weapon trafficking.